Make America Great Again as a Racist Slogan

• Journal List
• Front Psychol
• PMC8079816

Front Psychol. 2021; 12: 555667.

Making America Great Once more? National Nostalgia's Effect on Outgroup Perceptions

Anna Maria C. Behler

ⁱPsychology Department, Northward Carolina State Academy, Raleigh, NC, United States

Athena Cairo

^twoPsychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, United States

Jeffrey D. Green

²Psychology Section, Virginia Democracy University, Richmond, VA, U.s.

Calvin Hall

²Psychology Department, Virginia Democracy Academy, Richmond, VA, United States

Received 2022 April 25; Accepted 2022 Mar 5.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this study can exist found in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open up Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified information and study information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this report and therefore not listed in this study.

Abstruse

Nostalgia is a fond longing for the past that has been shown to increase feelings of significant, social connectedness, and self-continuity. Although nostalgia for personal memories provides intra- and interpersonal benefits, there may exist negative consequences of group-based nostalgia on the perception and acceptance of others. The presented inquiry examined national nostalgia (a form of collective nostalgia), and its effects on grouping identification and political attitudes in the United States. In a sample of US voters (N = 252), tendencies to experience personal and national nostalgia are associated with markedly different emotional and attitudinal profiles. Higher levels of national nostalgia predicted both positive attitudes toward President Trump and racial prejudice, though there was no evidence of such relationships with personal nostalgia. National nostalgia nigh strongly predicted positive attitudes toward president Trump among those high in racial prejudice. Furthermore, nostalgia'southward positive relationship with racial prejudice was partially mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Results from this study will help us better understand how the experience of national nostalgia can influence attitudes and motivate political behavior.

Keywords: national nostalgia, prejudice, intergroup relations, emotion, political differences

Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential campaign and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his appeal to many American voters. In the 2022 presidential election, as many as nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the get-go Blackness president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions as a mainstay of Trump'southward political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined every bit a bittersweet longing for the past. Evidence of Trump'due south appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the get-go of the 2022 presidential campaign through his failed 2022 reelection entrada, ranging from the salient cornball reverie of the "Make America Keen Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a render to times that accept been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economical welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American civilisation (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent characteristic of right-fly populist party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony within nostalgic messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-wing populist support (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the United states, several studies provide strong show of a link between back up for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey enquiry has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more and then even than voter'southward feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of police reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the 6 months following the 2022 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Still, no research has of yet established whether Trump's cornball rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this end, in this newspaper, we present evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion singled-out from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice also as support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a by and large positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). About people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular footing (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often construction their nowadays in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including past music, scents, and reflecting on by momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connectedness part of nostalgia is a primary artery through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more likely to exist evoked while experiencing negative bear upon (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of cornball memories evoked during these emotional states seem to deed equally a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connectedness (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of nostalgic memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). As a result of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions past evoking and making more than salient one'due south symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social back up (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, nostalgic emotions buffer the negative effects of depression social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Chiefly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.e., those loftier in personal nostalgia) are also more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups equally a upshot of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both breathy and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They institute that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the self.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more circuitous when because nostalgia felt for one's group. Although nostalgia felt at the private level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to have a singled-out psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, ascend when individuals self-categorize with a social group and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, group-based emotions tin can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such as when an individual might experience stiff pride and happiness for their dwelling house team while non feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with i's ingroup, or commonage nostalgia—can be experienced in a diverseness of social settings, including organizations, school classes (e.thousand., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Greenish et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such as a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation solar day, homecoming (higher form), or sports championships (city). However, unlike individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia can occur in the course of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did not experience, but rather one that was passed down through collective memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes as well as an approach-oriented activity tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Report i). Collective nostalgia also can increment group-oriented prosociality (e.g., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Green et al., 2021). Collective self-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective cornball event increased collective cocky-esteem, which, in plow, increased intentions to volunteer. Other inquiry has found additional ingroup benefits to commonage nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

However, there are 2 sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is as well a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of commonage political action was driven by anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.eastward., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a commonage cornball retention (vs. an ordinary commonage retentiveness) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Report 3). However, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate grouping (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of erstwhile Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were leap together prior to partitioning and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more cornball for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (just not command ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is one type of collective nostalgia that is felt while cocky-categorizing every bit a citizen of a specific country, and is likely to be associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just as personal nostalgia during times of change and upheaval can facilitate coping (eastward.k., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country's good old days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or uncertainty. All the same, nostalgic revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such every bit recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) likewise as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to exist associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This stardom betwixt personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to one's ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial bear witness has institute that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one'south actual well-beingness, and typically include the domains of physical rubber, political power, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of i's ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come up well-nigh from marginalized outgroups who are perceived equally highly dissimilar, and thus often junior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, there often is overlap between them, especially considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats tin exist conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient factor in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat being evoked past larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or fifty-fifty through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In i notable set of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the United states of america population was becoming more diverse (relative to command conditions)—that the percentage of whites was dropping—reported more than explicit (studies one and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible caption on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with unlike intergroup attitudes may be due to dissimilar levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes stiff feelings of social connectedness, too has downstream implications for reducing feet and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, see Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking one's national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the private level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns near ane'south group-based identity, and may accept the beneficial consequence of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of grouping continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia amid Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey across 27 countries plant that existential concerns about the hereafter of one'due south country predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). However, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.g., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increment perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly true for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for example, when whites in the United States experience a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the futurity, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has non been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies have directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political problems associated with national and ethnic identities, we extended this line of research by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains whatever institute human relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Contempo work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in particular its part in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural turn down (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often apply national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity betwixt a nation's past and nowadays (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which so serves to evoke commonage angst about group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by correct-wing populist leaders in Western Europe constitute consistent themes of nostalgia for their country'south "glorious by" while denigrating the country'due south present, likewise as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the cause of this aperture between past and present, and b) increasing the land'south forcefulness and opposition to political party opponents would render the nation to its former glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, then highlighting a potential scapegoat to arraign for that discontinuity, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being by denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for right-fly populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a stiff focus of Donald Trump's 2022 and 2022 presidential campaign rhetoric¹. In the 2022 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Brand America Great Again," and emphasized claims that the U.s. had deteriorated from its onetime condition. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in part, to blame for this reject (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump'southward supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened past changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a by, whiter version of the U.s.a.. Exit polls from the 2022 presidential election appeared to support some of these claims, as White voters were the just racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing then by a large margin of xx percentage points (CNN, 2016)^two. Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2022 ballot farther supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an of import part in voters' selection to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels found that support for Trump was most strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White US citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our study was to directly examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric besides as increases in racial prejudice in the The states following the 2022 presidential ballot (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping U.s.a. voters' political attitudes. We thought it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique part of Blackness Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and indigenous demographics of the U.s., of which White Americans are becoming less of a bulk (US Demography Bureau, 2020).

The Current Study

Nosotros examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility to a higher place and across political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2022 The states presidential election. We as well examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous research examined survey data taken around the fourth dimension of the 2022 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 year after the election, allowing us to run into how our participants felt later President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the cornball bulletin of "Making America Great Over again" still resonated with voters. Minimal piece of work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to appointment, nearly all of this work has been conducted exterior of the United States; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes as well as written report the phenomenon in the US sociopolitical landscape. In addition, nosotros included a validated mensurate of personal nostalgia in society to better examine the clan betwixt personal and national nostalgia besides as to assess whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

We tested one specific hypothesis and iii exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis 1. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to exist found between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Inquiry Question 1. Will White or Republican identity be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Research Question 2. Volition national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Enquiry Question 3. Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power analysis using G^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a pocket-sized correlation of r = 0.09³ with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 U.s. citizens who voted in the 2022 presidential election and identified as either White or Black (57.9% female, and 54.four% White). Participant age ranged from 18 to 79 (M = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.iv% Independent, 23.four% Republican, and vii.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2022 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2022 election (Pew Inquiry Center, 2018); however, nosotros purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upwardly 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we feel that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2022 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how significant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The scale included seven items (e.g., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from 1 (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia enquiry (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated measure out of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Calibration (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study ane) measured participants' propensity to experience nostalgia on the basis of one's national ingroup membership. The calibration included 4 items rated from one (Very rarely) to 5 (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this written report was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)^iv to reflect American nationality [eastward.chiliad., "How frequently do yous long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President every bit related to the feel of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the State Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive bear upon. Each particular was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits equally they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This scale consisted of 16 items (e.g., "Thinking about the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a i (Non at all) to 5 (Extremely) scale.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to mensurate realistic threat perceptions (e.chiliad., of social or economic harm) of Blackness individuals. The scale was examined but amongst White participants. The measure out includes 12 items (e.g., "African Americans agree too many positions of power and responsibility in this country") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and melancholia dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (e.g., "It's really a thing of some people not trying hard plenty; if Blacks would only try harder they could be just too off as Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to four (Strongly concord) calibration.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from ane (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Conservative). Participants as well chose which political party they most strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2022 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much practice yous feel like we need to 'Brand America Great Again'?" on a one (Not at all) to vii (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English was their native language.

Indigenous Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to make up one's mind the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such every bit "I have a strong sense of belonging to my indigenous group," and each item was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly concord) scale.

Demographics

Participants concluding reported their gender, historic period, and racial identity.

Process

Participants signed upward through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey about their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the order described higher up. All responses were nerveless over a single, ane week menstruum in the Autumn of 2022 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attending checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than than two attention check items indicated insufficient attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant'due south data.

Results

Descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations are displayed in Table 1. To test our hypotheses, we conducted a series of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' Process macro 5.3 (Hayes, 2013). Post-obit these baseline models, nosotros also support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, all the same above the target based on the power analysis).

Table 1

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations amid study variables.

Variable	one	two	3	4	5	6	7	8	ix	ten	12	13	14	M/Per centum	SD
ane	Ethnic/Racial Identity Salience	0.91													three.38	0.92
two	Personal Nostalgia	0.15**	0.92												iv.85	1.19
iii	National Nostalgia	0.xviii**	0.32***	0.90											2.85	i.xvi
four	Pro-Trump Attitudes	0.24***	0.08	0.49***	0.97										2.62	one.41
5	Outgroup Threat Perception	0.07	−0.01	0.44***	0.62***	0.98									2.38	1.52
six	Racial Prejudice	0.08	0.07	0.47***	0.63***	0.63***	0.84								0.34	0.23
vii	MAGA	0.14**	0.02	0.52***	0.61***	0.54***	0.65***	–							3.33	2.72
eight	Political Orientation	0.12	0.01	0.46***	0.59***	0.47***	0.66***	0.67***	–						three.48	ane.76
9	Republican	0.08	0.01	0.33***	0.52***	0.35***	0.51***	0.lx***	0.63***	–					23.four%	–
x	Democrat	0.08	0.00	−0.28***	−0.35***	−0.25***	−0.38***	−0.47**	−0.53***	−0.49***	–				44.0%	–
11	Contained	−0.15*	−0.03	0.05	−0.fourteen*	−0.05	−0.05	−0.02	0.02	−0.32***	−0.52***	–			25.4%	–
12	Gender	−0.05	−0.13*	−0.07	0.18**	0.18**	0.nineteen**	0.x	0.15*	0.05	−0.12	0.10	–		57.1% (F)	–
thirteen	Age	0.01	0.10	0.08	−0.04	−0.20**	−0.08	0.02	0.01	−0.03	0.03	0.03	−0.03	–	36.34	12.68
fourteen	Race	0.33***	−0.08	−0.12	−0.04	−0.07	−0.17**	−0.09	−0.07	−0.04	0.20**	−0.17***	−0.12	−0.17**	54.four% (EA)	–

Chief Hypothesis

Nosotros outset assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in pace 2 of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In step 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political amalgamation, β = 0.30, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In dissimilarity, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −1.xiii, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a meaning proportion of variance in attitudes above and across political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = 9.xc, p < 0.001, R^twoΔ = 0.06.

To examine this human relationship in a consolidated path model^v, Figure 1 displays Path Model ane, quantifying the relationship betwixt national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the data somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(ane) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model ane, Hypothesis i was over again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Research Question one

To assess whether there was an association between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × three (Political party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, 1 = Black/African-American (shortened to W/EA and B/AA going forrad). Political party amalgamation was coded as 1 = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and iii = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical dissimilarity. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did non identify with ane of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 W/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 W/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model plant that political political party affiliation was the only significant predictor of belongings positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(ii, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, fractional η² = 0.30, with Republicans (G = 3.94, SD = i.22) more in favor of the president than their Autonomous (M = 2.06, SD = one.26) or Contained (Grand = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. At that place was no main result of participant race (Blackness or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(1, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was in that location an interaction betwixt political party affiliation and participant race, F _{(2, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure 2 displays these results.

Relationship between political party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes past racial identity. Annotation. Fault bars represent 95% CIs around the hateful for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether political political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with Due west/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured past the MEIM) using Hayes' PROCESS macro v. three.iv (model ane). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation assay with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a significant college-club interaction effect between political affiliation and race to predict indigenous identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = 3.23, p = 0.041, R²Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple slope effects indicated that there was a stronger departure in ethnic identity salience among White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (Grand = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more than important to them than their White Democratic [M = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [M = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.nineteen)]; simple slope difference F _{(2, 228)} = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant deviation in racial identity salience was found among Blackness/African-American participants; simple slope difference F _{(2, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an assay of the unproblematic primary result of race amid Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally as important to them as Black participants; M = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.sixty, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Blackness Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure 3).

Racial identity salience among Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Fault bars represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

We besides examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, but only amid White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = 3.94, p = 0.051. Amid those depression in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.xviii, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

Every bit a terminal examination of Enquiry Question 1, a 2nd path model (Path Model 2, Figure four) was compared with Path Model ane to again examine the interaction between nostalgia and indigenous identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction between political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to note that path models are generally considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model ii showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(x) = 40.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09⁶; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the Process model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous calibration) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term betwixt national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.

Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and indigenous identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates.

Inquiry Question 2

We side by side examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) as well equally perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Tabular array 1). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice moderated the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Process macro (model ane) with 5,000 resamples. A significant moderation consequence was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ^two = 0.05, F _{(1, 178)} = nineteen.60, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Effigy 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-significant at low levels of prejudice (those at least −1 SD below the mean of SNS). Still, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +one, or +two SDs above the hateful of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (encounter Figure 5). Interestingly, this effect was found separately for both White [ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.03, F _{(i, 77)} = five.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR ^two = 0.09, F _{(one, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but in that location was no pregnant three-style interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), and so the results in Figure five are displayed for all participants.

Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated past anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots display simple slopes at −2, −ane, 0, +1, and +2 SDs away from the hateful of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Research Question three

Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

We last examined whether the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated past outgroup threat perception (measured past the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A chastened mediation model was synthetic using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 8) to assess whether the proposed mediational effect might differ between European-American and African-American participants. Every bit shown in Effigy 6, the model indicated a meaning indirect result of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Blackness/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did not differ past participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.fifteen, 0.13).

Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, moderated by participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Figure vii) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(2) = 65.eighty, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation arbitration model, national nostalgia direct predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated past threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect event on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect upshot β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Path assay of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Notation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Indirect effect of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was significant [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, equally well as increased perceived racial threat amidst White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with bear witness from samples outside the United States (due east.thousand., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are singled-out experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reverberate a stiff semantic connection between Trump and its 2022 presidential campaign slogan, it also may point to the appeal of Trump's campaign—and its right wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To amend answer this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.

Our first inquiry question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. Nosotros found fractional bear witness for this idea, every bit Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. Yet, there was no prove of a human relationship between race and back up for the President. At first glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'due south messaging appealed mostly to White voters. However, although race itself did not predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly continued to their racial identity than Whites who identified every bit either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans too expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as important as Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences further support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). Every bit members of the majority group, White individuals typically are less likely to think of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the ascendant ingroup in the United states may indeed have been a critical gene in voters' choice to back up Trump. Some inquiry suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly place with their Whiteness, every bit a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). However, there is an issue of causality, equally these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increase the salience of one'due south racial identity. This threat may exist perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more than central part of their cocky-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with higher White identity scores, forth with heightened perception of discrimination confronting Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were essentially more likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offering an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may be then attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity discontinuity in lodge to foment anxiety about the state of the country while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.

The role of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump back up. We constitute that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was found amidst both White/EA and Blackness/AA participants, although the lack of a meaning interaction effect may take been due to lower power. Additionally, nosotros found a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings marshal with prove that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to exist a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In item, these findings align with converging evidence that the content of commonage nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the skilful old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of commonage nostalgia, as well explains differences betwixt the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face up of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may heighten belongingness by evoking positive thoughts well-nigh the "practiced old days" when one's group was perceived to be college in condition or less threatened by outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, similar personal nostalgia, may heighten feelings of continuity in its own mode, by allowing individuals to experience connected to a fourth dimension in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of cocky-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A report across 27 countries establish that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging but not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on collective nostalgia, specially national nostalgia, has been undertaken, future work should examine these questions via multiple methods, specially longitudinal and experimental designs, which can identify whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These data were obtained from a cross-sectional group of Us Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, and then these results are virtually generalizable to American middle-anile populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are most generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the United states, and futurity analysis of national nostalgia should continue to assess different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings enhance the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire past some to go back in fourth dimension, due to perceived group identity threats. Future research should utilise longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises as a defense against perceived threats to i'southward ingroup. Relatedly, it is just recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia enquiry has been at the trait level. Further work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow u.s.a. to ameliorate empathize how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should as well continue to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting beliefs. The need for farther enquiry in this area has grown substantially in recent years, especially in light of events such equally those that took place in Charlottesville in 2022 and at the US Capitol Building in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.

An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained only to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the apply of national nostalgia in political advice is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future research should examine the office of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a multifariousness of settings and when considering a variety of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes every bit a group-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions about i's national group identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests it may also operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas nigh one's group inside a specific nation. The phrase "make America great over again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the US because minority groups have achieved significant advances in civil rights in recent history, and a call to render to a former time may imply a call for a return to a onetime and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Time to come research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression amid various ethnic and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent within nations with unlike histories.

Time to come research might also examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.m., economic) vs. symbolic (e.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more than psychologically influential on voter back up for right-fly populist ideology, as concerns about immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Agreement the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the United states (as well equally many other countries), further piece of work in this surface area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups across White or Black, and should as well be expanded to look at unlike identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social class, education level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a course of collective nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such equally political and prejudicial attitudes, especially when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to engagement on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (generally in European and Asian nations), this is the first written report, to our knowledge, to examine the U.s. political mural. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for one's personal past—does not have the same associations with political and group attitudes, and only moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In dissimilarity, national nostalgia, peculiarly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

There may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a past that never was; in this case, an America that was not as white as some recollect. Withal, these national nostalgic feelings appear to exist linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this study can be constitute in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, bachelor at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and report information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were non analyzed in this study and therefore non listed in this written report.

Ethics Argument

The studies involving human being participants were reviewed and approved past Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

AB, Ac, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Air-conditioning oversaw information collection and analysis. AB wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the formulation and pattern of the report and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Footnotes

¹We note that intergroup relations were besides a salient theme in the 2022 election (e.grand., the office of the Black Lives Matter movement); withal, as our information were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2022 election in this paper.

²Though a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was amidst Black voters, who voted in Clinton'south favor by a margin of 89 to viii% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to employ Black voters every bit a comparison group to the Caucasian sample.

³The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported past Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study 2).

⁴The authors would like to note that this scale was non included in the original pre-registration, as it was published only prior to the fourth dimension this study was developed. However, the determination was made prior to information collection to use this validated scale every bit a more direct and statistically sound way to measure out the construct of national nostalgia.

⁵Although structural equation models are frequently used to model paths among composite variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was non large enough to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

^{half dozen}Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8079816/